Keyamo’s hollow hype and Kwankwaso’s gangling, unshakable political poise

Keyamo’s hollow hype and Kwankwaso’s gangling, unshakable political poise

By Umar Bello Jada

Mr. Festus Keyamo’s recent vitriolic outburst against Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso betrays a fixation that only reveals a mind in disarray and confusion, a mind that is absolutely in a state of paranoia over a truism it can never change.

His claim that the leader of the Kwankwasiyya Movement, and one of Nigeria’s dominant political players, Sen Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso has reached a “political dead end” lacks depth, intellectual rigour and analytical depth.

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It is regrettable that such a bland and unwholesome comment is coming from a man who basks in the euphoria of the most educated elites we have in this government as the statement is rooted on hearsay not logic, facts or profundity.

Going by content and context, the screed could just pass as mere tea joint gossip or even a beer parlor drama; it is a classical case of elite mischief and misreading of grassroots politics.

It is the kind of statement that sounds convincing only within the echo chambers of Abuja power corridors, far removed from the living pulse of Nigerian political reality.

Kwankwaso’s relevance in sane and sober minds has never been in doubt, it is also true that his gangling political poise has never been tied to federal appointments, presidential favour, or access to ministerial perks unlike Keyamo who derives a lot of political muscle out of political patronage. Without such privileges, Keyamo is dead making him to make an imperious judgement that every other politician is like him.

But unlike politicians whose influence evaporates the moment they exit office, Kwankwaso’s political capital is not leased from power, it is owned. It is rooted in a mass movement painstakingly built over decades, anchored in ideology, social appeal, grassroot loyalty, investment, and identity. Millions of Nigerians, particularly the down trodden who feel the impact of Kwankwaso’s politics and philanthropy are not following him because he holds office; they follow him because he represents them.

The Kwankwasiyya movement is not an electoral contraption assembled every four years and dismantled after defeat. It is a socio-political phenomenon with deep emotional, cultural, and material ties to its adherents. It is a project that encompasses education scholarships, political inclusion youth mobilisation and grassroot linkage in its strides. Therefore, those affected by its sooting hands will never ignore it till eternity.

In his political sojourn, Kwankwaso did what few Nigerian politicians have done: he turned politics into a brand; providing succor and services for the forgotten and underserved populations. In turn, he got their trust and backing. So it is imperative for Keyamo to know movements rooted in trust and goodwill do not hit “dead ends” simply because they are temporarily outside federal power.

To make matters worse for the legal mind, history was unkind to him too as it offers no consolation either. In the past, Kwankwaso has been declared politically finished before on several occasions. Like Keyamo’s hubris, each obituary turned out to be laughably inaccurate as Kwankwaso always come back with a tremor that shakes the political landscape.

For the benefit of Keyamo, it is apt to state here that Kwankwaso has survived many political travails including exile, elite conspiracies, and hostile federal might, only to return stronger, reclaim Kano, and reproduce a new generation of political actors. Kano politics itself cannot be told without Kwankwaso’s solid and remarkable imprints. To dismiss such a figure as irrelevant is intellectually disingenuous and a show of moral bankruptcy.

There is also a rich irony in Keyamo’s sermon. It comes from within a political culture where relevance is often confused with proximity to power. In that worldview, today’s occupants of office assume permanence, forgetting that Nigerian politics is a revolving door with a long memory for arrogance. Temporary dominance has humbled many who mistook access for acceptance and power for legitimacy. The trajectory of Malami in power will be useful here.

If political relevance were measured solely by who currently holds office, then opposition politics would be an exercise in futility and democracy a decorative illusion. Yet, history repeatedly shows that opposition figures with deep grassroots appeal often outlive governments built on convenience and coercion. Kwankwaso like Sardauna of Sokoto and Mallam Aminu Kano, remains one of the very few Nigerian politicians whose name alone can mobilize crowds, inspire loyalty, and command instant recognition across generations.

Keyamo’s attack also reveals a deeper discomfort: the existence of a political actor who cannot be easily bullied, bought, or reduced to a footnote. Kwankwaso’s politics does not fit neatly into the transactional logic of Nigerian power play. He is not for sale, and he has said so clearly. That singular stance, rare in today’s political marketplace, appears to offend those accustomed to political compliance disguised as pragmatism.

On the question of alliances and coalitions, events have already overtaken Keyamo’s talking points. Kwankwaso has been unequivocal: he is open to alliances or coalitions with any party or group committed to genuine reform. He has also made it clear that within such an arrangement, he is prepared to serve either as presidential candidate or vice-presidential candidate based on mutual respect and shared vision. What he has firmly rejected is the notion of being absorbed, purchased, or neutralized by the ruling party and the power of incumbency.

This clarity unsettles critics and deifies Kwankwaso because it defies the usual script. Kwankwaso’s stance exposes the fragility of alliances built solely on power arithmetic without ideological imperative. It also reminds Nigerians that political negotiation does not have to mean political surrender.

Dead ends, in politics, are reserved for those without followers, without ideology, and without legacy. Kwankwaso has all three. He commands a movement that has survived defeats without disintegration, remained loyal without inducement, and stayed visible without federal oxygen.

Keyamo’s screed, therefore, says far more about its author than its target. It reflects a desperation to delegitimize what cannot be controlled and to trivialize what refuses to disappear. But history is patient, and it is rarely kind to loud mouths and predictions made in haste.

Kwankwaso’s political poise and sagacity is a discomfort to tin Gods and mortal potentates who think transient and ephemeral power will last forever.

His posture may sometimes be misunderstood, but arguably and undeniably it remained resilient and continues to defy elite expectations.

Long after today’s power equations shift and after Keyamo’s of this world are thrown to the dustbin of history, movements like Kwankwssiyya that are rooted in people, will still endure. I’m sure Kwankwssiyya movement will outlive Kwankwaso because it is rooted in ideology, ethics, philanthropy and empathy. Time, will always render the final verdict.

History is on the side of the oppressed.

Jada, an ADC chieftain writes from Abuja.

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